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PROCEEDINGS 



OF TUE 



ANTI-JACKSON CONVENTION, 



HELD AT THE CAPITOL 



IN 



THEi I^IT^ 0¥ UlCliiVlOXB 



WITH THEIR 



ADDRESS 



TO 



THE FEOFLZ: OP VIHCINI^l 



(accompanied by documents.) 



KICIIMOND. 
rSl.\TED AT THE FRANKLIN r-RESS". 




1 a 







MKETING OF THE CONVENTION. 



U.o Convrr.tioi. of Drlr.a;atc,s, dopntodhy tl.erilizn.s of Virci, .ia 
mlavoral). to ti.e elation .,f A.Hlrew Jackson to the Presidency, 
im;t at i o'clock. ,„ the Il:,ll of the House of Delegates. ^ 

of Au-..sta"''"^""' ''"' """"'"'' ^" '""'''''■ ^^ '^'"'^^ Ai-cl.ibald Stuart 
On'motion of Mr Alfre.l FI. Powell, Francis T. Brooke, fPresi-' 

.tl' f "' V''"'^ of. Appeals,) was unanin.ouslj appointed Prcsb- 
dent of the Convention. -^ i r 

On motion of Jud-e Stuart. John H. Pleasants was imanimously 
appointed Secretary to tlie Convention. ^ 

as Mlows^-"'"^ '"" '"^ ^''''*"" ^''^ ^^'''''^'* ^*^^'''«ssed the Gonventlon 
GiiNTLBMKN,— It would becoDie uie to make my acknowledj?- 
ments for the honor you haNe conferred on me, in terms corret 
pondm.^. If possible, uith the feeiin.i^s with which it has filled me-, 
and to address you on some of the important matters which will 
bdon.jj to your deliberations; but, the indisposition under which I 
am suffering intensely, forbids it. Indeed, it would have been more 
agreeable t.. me, therefore, if some other gentleman had been select- 
ed, much more competent in every respect, to discharge the duties 
assigm-d me; and 1 crtainly should have declined the performance 
ot them, but lor the determination 1 formed when I came here, to 
shrink Irom no duty assigned me, so long as I was i.i any degree 
compete^.t to perform them to the satisfaction of the Convontiou. 

1 i;e becrelary tisen called tlie counties in alpiiabetical orrfcr, 
which had deputed members to the Convention, and the names oT 
the m<'mhers thenisehes, when a maj.)rity of the following gentra- 
men answered to their names: 

./im//fr.s/.— Land.m Cabell, Edmund Winston, David S. Garland 
and Urnjimin Brown. 

Mbemarle.-.Jin,nth'^n Boucher Care, Col. William Woods, €oK 
Jhoma. W.od, Dr Hardin xMassie and Robert S. Brooke 

.//u.:r«S/a -An hibald Stuart. Roliert P„rterfiekl, Charles M 
Stuart. John Wavt and L. WadJell. Esqs. 

^«c/c?7,^/wm.--Capr. Samuel Branch, Benjamin P. Walker, 
Robert Hill and Major William Du-Val. 

^e(//r;rj. Samuel Hancock. Natlianiel I. Manson, Robert 
Camj.bell. Jnh„ (). Leftwich, Balda M'Daniel, Pleasant M. 
Goggin and J(din F. Sale. 

munhiurk.- Dv Richard F i>ld, Col. John Tucker, Dr John 
Freld and Reuben B. Hicks. 



. Brooke.^CoL Willlan) Vaiise, P. Dochjiidge, Jesse Edgingtoii, 
John C. Campbell ami Samuel Henlmiiii, Esqs. 

Bath— S-Aiu'l Blackburn, Clia's L. Fraiuisco, Charles Cameron, 
George Mayse, John Brown, jr, John Lewis, Archer P. Strothcr, 
and Alexander iVl'Clintir, 

Berkeley.— EWshA Boyd, Joei Wai-d, Levi Henshaw, Philip C. 
Pendleton, David Holmes Conrad, Thomas Davis, Thomas M. 
Colston, Esqs. and Col. E:dward Colston, 

Botetourt James Breckeniidge, Allen Taylor, Edward Watts, 

and Col. Wm. Anderson. 

Car<i/inc.— Lawrence Battaile, Robeit Corhin, Wilson Allen, 
Dr P. Robb and Capt. James Madison. 

Campbell.— 'I UomAH A. Holrombe, Patrick H. Cabell, Samuel 
Pannill, Alexander S. Henry, George W. Nelson and James Saun- 
ders, Esqs. 

Chesterfeld.—John Archer, Benj. Hatclser, Peter F. Smith and 
Abraham S. Woold ridge. 

Charles City. — Fielding Lewis, -Benj. Harrison and Collier H. 
ISlinge, Esqs. 

Culpepper.- John Shackleford, J. C. Gibson and Daniel Mason. 

Cumberland Maj. John Hatcher, Frs. B. Deanc, jr. Wm. B. 

Smith and Thompson T. Swaun. 

Chavlotte Col. Wm. L. Morton, Paul S. Carringlon, and Wm. 

B. Green, 

nmwiddie.—Caitt. Tiiomas Field, Daniel G. Hatch. Burwell 
Goodvvyn, Peterson Goodwyn, Abner Adams and Jiio. P- Crump. 

FAiTinbeth City.—RohQvt Lively, Wm. Hope, Wilson W. Jones. 

Fauquier. — John P. Smith, Aldridge James, Jolin P. Philips, 
Robert Randolph, Josepli Thomp'soii, James K. Maishall, Armis- 
tead Blackwell, Thomas L. Moore. Thos. Turner, John B. 
Downman, Thomas Marshall and Lloyd Noland. 

Fairfax. — Bushrod Wasiiington, jr. Tho. Jetfcrson Minor, C. 
Calvert Stuart and Henry Fairfax. 

Frederick.— Geu. Josiah Lockhart, Obed Waife, Major Seth 
Mason, Wm. B- Page, Richard M. Barton, John W. Page, Alfred 
H. Powell, Edwin L Smith and Philip Smith, Esqs. 

Franklin. — Robert T. Woods, Norborne M. Taliaferro and 
Judge Fleming Saunders 

Glo%icester.—\y . T. Taliaferro and A. L. Dabney. 

Goochland — fames Pleasants. Andrew Kean, Tiiomas M. Ran- 
dolph, James B. Ferguson and John S. Fleming, Esqs. 

Greenbrier. — Ballard Smith, Lewis Stuart, William B. Calwell, 
Cyrus Cary, John A. Nortli, Col. James M'Laughlin, P. B. We- 
thered, Joseph Alderson an<l Samuel M'CInng. 

//flrmo7i.— Edwin S. Duncan, William L. Jackson, John J. 
Allen, Phincas Chapin and Joseph Johnson, Esquires. 

jyarrfy.— Charles A. Turley, Washington G. Williams, William 
Seymour, John L. Green, James C. Gamble and Leonard Neflv 
Esquire.s, 



9 

Malifax. — (ipn. Carrrn.c:tnn ami James Briire. 

Iliinover. — Ca|)t. Jaiiu's L'rider^xood, Capt. John TlioiMiton ami 
Lewis Bn'k»'l«'\. Es<|s. 

Henrico. — William IJ. Uamlolpli, Dv Sainiicl Pleasants, Ji'SBC 
Snrad and Wm. Burton. 

Ilaiupslnrc. — Samuel Ivcrclicx al. Jr. Samuel Corkcrill, Christo- 
plirr Iliiskcll and 'I'lins. Carskaddrn. Esfjs. 

Jamrs City. — Tliiiislon James, lli< liardson Ilenle^v and Nat. 
Pie^j2;ott. 

Jefferson. — Tlionias (ii ijj^gs. ji- D;iniel Moijijan, Col. Jan. Ilite, 
Buslit-od C. Was|iinj2;ton, Col. IV oj. Davenport, Capt. Jas. Shir- 
ley, Carver ^^ illis arid Ilciirv S. Turner. Ksqs. 

King George. — R. Stewart and Ncedliam L, Washington. 

Kanaivlia. — Cr)|. Joseph Lovell. Josepli L. F'r>, Jas. C. M*Far- 
land, and Levis Roffner. Ksqs, and Dr D;!niel Smilli. 

K'mg ^' qxucn — Charles Ilili. \{nhev\ Pollard, William Tem- 
ple, Roht. i\l. Speiirer, K^(|s. and Col. Wn». Garnett. 

King UillUim. — Robert I'ollard, and Dr Geo. Claiborne. 

Louisa — Frederi.k Harris, Jas. Michie, Lueian Minor and Dr 
Jos. W. Pendletoti. 

Lee. — Col. John D. Sharp. 

Lancaster.- — C(»l. John Ciiownine:, Maj. Addisor) Hall. 

Loii.lon. — Col Wui. P^llzey, Cuthl)ert Powell, Samuel Dawson, 
John Janne}-. Richard 11. I^ee, James M-Ilhaney. 

Lewis. — Col. Jolin M'Worther, Col. John Haymond, Capt. Da- 
vid Siuith. Capt. Jacob Loreniz and Weedeii Huffman. 

Matthcxcs. — ('hristoplier Tompkins, Henry W. Tabh, Seth SIic- 
pard an<l John D. Jar\ is. 

Monroe. — Hugii Caperton, Esq. Maj. Wm. Vass and Michael 
ErskiriP, Esq. 

Mason. — Samuel M-Culloch and Isaac Newman, Esqs. 

Mommgala. — A. P. Wilson, John S. Barns, 'I'liomas S. Hay- 
mond, James G. Watson. Mathew Gay, John Ro;^ers, Thomas P. 
Ray and Jolin Evans, jr. 

Middlesex.--V)\' Maims Rowan, Capt, Robeit Healy and Di* 
Richar-d A. Cliristian. 

Jtfbricau.— Ben J. ()rri<k, Barnet Lee. Jonathan Carlisle, Jona- 
than Jones and Dennis M'Donald. Esqs. and Di- Daniel Hij^h. 

JNTj/sou.— Thos. S. M-Chiland. Maj. Jas. Woods, J. M. Martin, 
Mayo Cabell, Wn». Massi<- and Col. J. Perrow. 

.7V*aH.semo»(/.— Messrs Mathias Jones, Jolm C, Cohoon and Dr 
Crawley F^iniiey. 

JVtc/iif/as,— James C. Warren, sen. Robert Kelly and James 
M'Millan 

J^orthumherland.—Yh'wxxuv; Bates and Valentine Y. Conway, 
Esqs. 

Mirfolk Connty.—Oon. Robt. B. Tayh.r, J. A. Chandler, Esq. 
Oapt. A. Emmerson, Col. Wm. Wright, Tiios. Talbot, William B". 
Mannings E?qs, and Dr Saml. Wile;?. 



JS'^ew TCenf.—Wm. H- Maron, Tamps D, Halybuvtou, John B". 
Ghi-isti .11. JoIsM F. Cliristiau arid Micajali V'KIcii. 

Orange.— \Ym. H. Staiiaid and Ji)lin A. Porter, Esqs. Captain 
Jas. Baiboiir and Lol. Jnckson M<irt«in. 

Ohio.— 8. H. F!lz*m":li and John Parint. 

Patrick.— -Johu C. Siaples and Wni. Lvon. 

Pi!tsijlvaiiia.--C<ii)t. James Lanier, Siunuel D. Rawlins and 
Nathaniel Iver„ 

Foyvhaian.—JiiUn H. StejE^er, Jos. H(tbson, Win. Pope, Esqs. 
and Di- Mnstoe Ch:unhers. 

Princess Jinne.—Unrw II B. Mns-, ley. Edwin Waike, Lemuel 
Cut'^r< k, riifinnfc H'ta;e:;u-d and Di-Jiis. M* Alpine. 

Pniice ff'i//mm.---C.ipi. John Macrae, Col. Barnbay Cannon 
and >Vni. A. Linton, Esq 

Feitdletou. --Thomas .Josies,, John Dire, Michael Henkee, John 
Siflinqfon. John Htjikins, sen. James H. Ciavens, Jas. Johnson, 
Zeiinlon User and Wm. S. Na\Iur. 

r cahvufas.- -Jn\iu Gillilnid. Col. John Baxter, Joseph P. 
Dans' rfieUl. Samp'^on L. Mathew", Alexander Eskridge, Josiah 
Beard, Heury M. xMoliitt, Andrew M. Gatewood and Alexander 
Hiiinilton. 

Jtan(lolph.—-\\ m. Daniels, Rol)t. M'Crnm. 

Richmond Couutij. -—Rub\. W. Carter, Philip A. Bramham and 
Wm. fl. Tayloe. 

Jiockiiighaiu.—Ci)\. A. Rntlierford, Gen» J. B. Harvie, Col. Joa. 
Maiizy, Jos. Baxter, Esq. Cliarles Lewis, Esq. Col. James Hall 
ai:d Aluaiii'O* Smilli. 

Il'rkbridge.--L'hAv]i's P. DMrsnan, Esq. Col. Saml. M'D. Reid, 
J'.hsi F- Caruther^v Esq. Dr Rohert R. Barton, Robert White, S^ 
M'D Monre, Esq. an-t Jn.ii^e John Coaltnr. 

Sp t'sylvduia. — Jnda;e Franris T. Brooke, Col. Hne;h Mercer. 

Sta^'ird. — Hanrcok Eustace, Col. Enoch Mason, William C. 
Beah. 

She^iandoali, — Win. Stren!)*^ri>;en. jr. James Sterrct, Dr T. T. 
Biarklord, Jos. Artlinr and Isaac Miller. 

Soutli(impioii.— Beu^\. H. Mi>y!er, Thos. J. Harper, Thos. Prit- 
low, and John Tlionisis, Esqs. 

Sitrrij -Col. Jolu! Peiir. Maj. Ralph Graves. Capt. James D. 
EiUv' fds and Dr Rulit. D. Starke. 

T?//en---Co!. Arthur Ine^iii-am and Mij. John Wells. 
fro'id.-D \id B Spesicer, Hon. Dabney Carr, and John H. 
Ph'asH?its, 'd' Riciiin >i!ii. 

/resh>i()re/"?u/.— -Wm. S. JeU, Wm.F. Taliaferi-o, Win. Angustinc 
W'asltin.cton >ih! Jas. Ji tt. 

City of Hiclimond.—-R^y. Jolm Kerr, Chapman Johnson, Dan. 
Gall. 

JViirJolk Borough.— -l}v John French, Joseph H. Robertson, John 
Mvers and Archibald Tavior. 



' Pelershni'g. — llobort Bolliii!?, Kubcri IJircLett, M. B rillsbo- 
i;oii.u;li ami Lewis Mabi}. E^(ls. 

IFtltiamsbiirg. — lioboit Anderson, litotiaid lliMik\ and Di' 
Samuel S. Grillin. 

On motion of Mr Cbapman Jobnson, (lie Rules of tlie House of 
Delegates were adopted to govern the proieediitgs of tlie Conven- 
tion. 

On motion of Mr Alfred II. rowell, 

Besohcd, TUixiwIii'M ibe Con\enlion adjourns, it adjourn to meet 
to-morrow at 4 o'clock. 

On motion of Ocn. Tayloi-, the Convention then adjourned. 



Tf^ednesday, January 9. 
The President took the Chair at 12 o'( lock. 
On motion of Mr Taj lor of Norfolk count}. 
Resolved, Tliat a committee of one from each Electoral District, 
be appointed by the Piesident, to report to the Convention fit 
persons to be placed on the Electoral Ticket: — And Mi- Chandler 
of Norfolk county, Mr Birchelt of I'ttersburg, Mr Hutch of Din- 
vviddie, Mr Hicks of Brunswick, Mr Carrington of Ciiarlotte 
Mr Deane of Cumberland, Mr Saunders of Campbell, Mr Staples, 
of Patrick, Mr Brown of Audieist, Mr P'leming of Goochland, 
Mr Madison of Caroline, Mr l)al»nev of CI .ucesier, Mr Ander- 
so!i of Williamsbuig, Mr Carter of Richmond C(»unt}', Mr Stanard 
of Orange, Mr Wasltitigton of Fairfax, Mr Tuniei of Bi ikeley, 
Mr Philip Smith of Frederick, Mr Turlev of Hard}, Mr White 
of Rockbridge, Mr Caperton of Monroe. Mr Sharpe of Lee, Mr 
Fry of Kanawha, afid Mr Fitzhugh of Ohio, were appointed a 
committee accordingly. 

On motion of Mi- Taylor of Norf(dk county, 
Eesulvcd, That a committee of at least one from each EIector'\l 
District, be appointed by the President ; and that the proicedings 
of the several counties anil c-orporations represented in the Con\en- 
tion, be referred' to that committee, with instructions to report by 
I'Csolution or otherwise, the measures pro|ier to !>e adopted by the 
Convention. And a committee was accord in.s>;ly appointed of 
Messrs C. Johnson of Rii hmond. Ta}lor ol Noilolk, Hariison of 
Charles City, Goodwyn of Uiiiv\i(l(lie, HicUs of Bi-uusw ick. Car- 
rington of Halifax, Hate her of Chesterfield. Bran< h of Bu( king- 
liam, LaJiier of l*ittsyl\ania, M'Thihind of ISielson, Mercer of 
Spottsylvania. Hill of King a»id Queen. Henley of .1 aujes City, 
Fkistace of Stafford, Gibson of Culpep|»ei-. Turner of F.iUf|uier, 
tEonrad of Berkeley, Powell ol'Freiiei iek, Har\ie of Rockingliam, 
Stuart of Augusta, Blackburn of Bath, Sharp of Lee, CaiT of Wood 
and Fitzhugh of Ohio. 

And then,^ on motion of Mi- Chapman Joli'.ison, the, ConvcntioJi 
5^()joiirned to meet to-morrow at 2 o'clock. 



Thursday^ Jnimary 10. 

The President took the Chair at two o'clock. 

Mr Nelson ot CHin|)t)eil, at (he i-eqtiest oF the Secretary raovcd 
the appointmoiit of an additional Secretary ; an<l on motion of Mr 
"Wilson of Monongalia, Jno. P. Ray, a Delegate from that county, 
was appointed. 

On motion of Mr Harvie of Rockingham. Editors of newspa- 
pers in this city were invited to take seats within the bar of the 
Convention to take notes of its proceedings, 

Mr Johnson of Riclimond. from the conitnittee to frame an ad- 
dress, informed the Convention that tlie committee iiad been dili- 
gently engaged in dischaiging that duty, and that an early report 
might \ie expected. 

Mr Chandler of Norfolk county, from the Electoral committee, 
stated that tliat committee had also been diligent in executing the 
duties assigned them, and that a report would probably be made 
to-morrow. 

No business being befoi-e the Convention, on motion of Mr 
Wilson of Monongalia, it adjourned to Friday at 2 o'clock. 



Friday, January 11. 

The President took the Chaii* at 2 o'clock. 

Gen. Taylor, from tii c()mmittee ap|)ointed to frame an address, 
rose and said, he was instructed to announce, tliat that committee 
was not yet prepared to make a final report. It was with much 
mortification he stated the fact, but he hoped that it would not for 
a moment be doubted, that every exertion, worthy of the character 
of the committee, of the Convention, and the great cause in which 
tliey were engaged, had been used to expedite tlie result. That 
result, he was farther instructed tf» repor-t, would, the committee 
hoped, be laid before the Convention to-morrow. He knew the 
inconvenience venerable gentlcmeis sustained in leaving and stay- 
ing from their homes at tiiis season ; but he could not but hope, 
tliat feeling the sacredaess of the principles they came to sup- 
i)ort, their zeal and p(M'sev<'rance would be called in to sustain 
their patience. He was furtlier insti-ucted to request the Pre- 
sident to apply to the House of Didegates (to whose magnatiimity 
and courtesy, said Gen. T. we arc already so deeply indebted) for 
the privilege of meeting in tlieir Hall to mori-ow at one o'clock. 

Mr Ed. Colston lioptMl that despatch would be used in present- 
ing tlie result of the labors of the Committee; but no farther tlian 
was compatible .vitii what was <iu(' to the character of the pro- 
ceedings of the Convention. He knew that the Committee had 
been assiduously engaged niglit and day. He reminded the Con- 
vention, that the appointment of county Corresponding Committees 
was a part of tlieir duty, and he hoped the interval might be cm- 
plojoed for that ptirpose. 



The Chair staled, that tliis was a part oC the duty of the Com-, 
mittce appointed to frame an address. 

Mr Powell of Froderick said, that the Committee had already 
been enj*aifod in that duty. 

Gen. IJai'\ ie said, that as some counties were not represented in 
Ihe Convention, the Committee would be thankful for information 
IVom meuibers. 

Gen. IJiackburn, as one of the Committee, said, he would offer 
one or two observations. '1 hat committee had been ch)sely eni^ai^ert 
it) tiic recess of the Conveutioji. All that man could do, had been 
done. He made a strons;- appeal, in his fresh and inimitable way, 
to calm the impatience of the Convention, lie trusted that no 
friend to his country, who had engaged in this holy cause, would 
now turn back. He hoped that no |)atriot who had put his hand 
to the plough, would look back uiitil the work was finished. Old 
men could not hope to die in a better cause; and if this was true of 
old men, what nii^glit not be hoped fi-om young men ? To-morrow 
we shall meet here, and put the caj)stone to this glorious building. 
Was there a nian who would not stay to see the last brick laid r 

Mr Tho. Field of Dinwiddie, exi)ressed some regret that the 
Electoral Ticket Committee were not prepared to report. 

Mr Chandler, chairman of the Committee, informed the Co'n- 
vention that he was instructed to report an Electoral Ticket which 
had been unanimously agreed upon by it. 

The report of the Committee was then read. 

Mr Turner of Jefferson hoped, the vote would be put upon the 
whole ticket as reported. 

Mr Colston suggested, that it would be better to take the sense 
of the Convention separately on each elector — but Gen. Taylor 
saying, that if no objection was made to any part of it, this would 
be unnecessary, and Mr Chandler that each name on the ticket 
had met the approbation of the Delegation from his District, Mr 
Colston waived his suggestion. 

The question was then put on the entire ticket, and it was 
iTNANiMousLY acccptcd by the Convention. 

REPORT OF THE ELECTORAL COMMITTEE. 

The Committee '« appointed to report to the Convention fit per- 
sons to be placed on the electoral ticket," beg leave to report that 
they have performed the duty assigned them, and submit to the 
Convention the following ticket: 

For the Electoral District composed of the counties of Orange, 
Madison and Culpeper— -JAMES MADISON of Orange. 

Loudon, Jefferson and Berkeley— JAMES MONROE (/Lok- 
don. 

Norfolk, Pi'incess Anne, Nansemond, and the borough of Nor' 
folk—Col. STEPHEN WRIGHT of mrjolk Jionmglu 



1^ 

Surry, Isle of Wight, Prince Georfve, Charles City, 'Nevf Keut 
and the town of Petersburg— BE VJAMIN HARRISON fo/ 
Berkeley J Charles City. 

Sussex, Dinwiddie and Southampton— Col. JOSEPU GOOD- 
"WIN of Dinwiddie. 

Brunswick, Lunenburg, Mecklenburg and Greensville — Dr 
lilCHARD FIELD oj Bniustvick. 

Charlotte, Halifax and Prince Edward — General EDWARD 
0. CARRINGTON of Halifax. 

Amelia, Chesterfield, Cumberland, Nottoway and Powhatan—' 
BENJAMIN HATCHER nf Manchester. 

Buckingham, Campbell and Bedford— SAMUEL BRANCH of 
Buckingham. 

Franklin, Pittsylvania, Henry and Patrick— Judge FLEMING 
SAUNDERS of Franklin, 

Albemarle, Amherst, Nelson and Fluvanna — DAYID S. GAR-' 
LAND of Amherst. 

Goochland, Louisa, Henrico and the City of Richmond — CHAP- 
MAN JOHNSON 0/ Richmond City. 

Spottsylvania, Caroline and Hanover — Judge FRANCIS T. 
BROOK'E of Spottsijlvania. 

Essex, King ami Queen, King William, Gloucester and Mat- 
thews— CHARLES lllhL of ICing Jf queen. 

Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, Warwick, York, 
James City and tiie City of Williamsburg— Captain ROBERT 
LIVELY of Elizabeth City. 

Middlesex, Lancaster, Richmond, Northumberland, Westmore- 
land, King George and Stafford— Capt. HANCOCK EUSTACE 
of Stafford 

Fauquier, Prince William and Fairfax — Judge WILLIAM A. 
G. DADE of Prince TVilliam. 

Frederick, Hampshire and Morgan— ALFRED H. POWELL 
of Frederick. 

Rockingham, Shenandoah and Hardy— Col. JOSEPH MAU- 
■SEE of Rockingham. 

Botetourt, Alleghany, Rockbridge and Augusta — Judge AR* 
CHIBALD STUART of Augusta. 

Bath, Pocahontas, Pendleton, Grecid)ricr, Giles, Tazewell, 
lyionroe and Montgomery— BALLARD SMITH of Greenbrier. 

Washington, Russell, Lee, Wythe, Scott and Grayson — Col. 
BENJAMIN ESTILL of Washington. 

Harrison, Wood, Lewis, Niciiolaa, Mason, Cabell, Kanawha 
and Logan— Judge LEWIS SUMMERS of Kanawha. 

Monongalia, Preston, Brooke, Ohio, Tyler anil Randolph—-. 
ALPHEUS P, WILSON of Monongalia, 



u 

Salnrday, Junuailj IC, 

TLcPrcaidont took (he Chair atone o'clock. 

Ml- Dahney Carr, IVom tlie cominittce to (rainc ati address, stated 
the readiness of that committee to report within one hour-;-and on 
motion of Mr E. Colston, the Chair was vacated for that si)ace of 
timc---at tlie expiration of whicli, the President resumed the Cliair. 

Mr Johnson, from the committee to frame an address, then re- 
ported the foilowinij Address and Ilesolutions : 

TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA. 

Having heen delegated, hy those wlio oppose tlie election of An- 
drew Jackson, as President of the United States, and having as- 
sembled in the city of Richmond, pursuant to our appointment, and 
formed an electoral ticket, we feel it due to ourselves, to tliose who 
deputed us, and to our country, to submit a brief exposition of oau 
views, on tlie very interesting subject which has brought us to. 
gether. 

It is no ordinary occasion, which at titis inclement season of tbe 
year, has brought so many of us from our business and our homes. 
AVe believed that the dearest interests of our country were at stake, 
that her character, hpr peace and Iiappiness, and even the perma- 
jience of her free institutions, were in peril. We feared the niost 
pernicious consequences from the election of General Jackson, and 
we have come to consult about the means of averting tiiis calamity 
from our country. Wc believe that tlic only means of efTecting 
this great object, is the re-election of the present Chief Magistrate, 
and have formed an Electoral Ticket for that purpose, which we 
earnestly recommend to the support of the peo[)le of Virginia. 

We know that many of you strongly disapprove some of tlie - 
leading measures of the present administration, — have not confi- 
dence in it, and woiild be exceedingly unwilling to sanction the ' 
principles of construction applied hy the jjresent Chief Magistrate, 
to the constitution of the United States. But we do not perceive 
in these circumstances, any suflicMent reason for withiiolding your 
support from the Ticket we have recommended. We ourselves 
are not agreed upon these subjects. While some disapprove these 
measures, want confidence in tiie administration, and are unw'illing 
to sanction the princi[)les of construction adojited by the Presi- 
dent, — most of us approve the general courseof tlie Administration, 
have confidence in its virtue, its patriotism, its wisdom, and see 
nothing to condemn in tlie President's interpretation of the federal 
constitution. Yet we do not discuss among ourselves, and we will 
not discuss before you, the grounds of this dilTerence. We waive 
such discussion, as wliolly inappropriate; and postpone it to tho 
time, when there may be some choice offered us, that might be in- 
fluenced by it. Now there is none such. We arc left to the al- 
ternative of choosing between Jackson and Adams; and howevei'; 
we may differ in opinion as to the merits of the latter, wc hi?nrtily 



1 --I 



concur in j^iving him a tlecided preference over lus competitor. 
The measures which some disapprove in the prescJit Administra- 
tioiij none would hope to see ameruletl, under that of General Jack- 
son: — the distrust in the present Chief Magistrate, entertained by- 
some, ii? lost in the comparison with that which al! feel, in his com- 
petitor; — and the constitution, which we would preserve from the 
too liberal interpretation of Mr Adams, we would yet more zeal- 
ottily defend against tlie dcstroyir.g hr.nd of his rival. 

Willie however, we decline a discussion of tliose subjects, on 
which we differ in opinion, and pretermit any general vindication 
of the Chief Magistrate, his cabinet or liis measures, we cannot 
pass unnoticed some topics connected with the last election, and 
some acts of the Administration, in relation to which, we think 
the public min<l has been greatly abused. 

The friends of General Jackson have cor.fidently held him up, 
as the favorite of the people, — have insisted, that in the last elec- 
tion, his plurality of votes proved him to be the choice of the na- 
tion, — and have'bitterly complained, that that choice was impro- 
perly disappointed, by the representatives in Congress. - 

Never was there a more direct appeal to those prejudices and 
passions, which, on all occasions, the good s!iould disdain, and the 
wise should repress, — never was a comjilaint more utterly un- 
founded, — and never one more characteristic of that disregard for 
tlie constitution, which has been manifested, on more occasions 
than one, when its provisions stood in the way of General Jack- 
son's march. 

Whether Gen. Jackson is the people's favorite is to be tested 
bvthe event, not assumed as the basis, of the pending election. 
That his plurality of votes proved him to be the choice of the na- 
tion at the last efcctior., we confidently deny. It may perhaps be 
found upon examination, that while Gen. Jackson had a plur.-xlity 
of electoral votes, Mr x\danis had a plurality of votes at the poll*; 
and we are satisfied that if Mr Crawford and Mr Clay had been 
withdrawn from the canvass, and the contest had been single-hand- 
ed, between Gen. Jackson and Mr Adams, the election would have 
resulted, as it has done, in the choice of Mr Adams. 

But this is not tiie light in which tiiis question deserves consi- 
deration. The minds of the people ought not to be inSnenced by 
such extraneous considerations — nnd above all, the principles of 
our constitution ought not to be abased, by -admitting, for a mo- 
ment, that the plurality of votes, given to Gen. Jackson, should 
have governed tiie choice of the House of Representatives. V^'c 
donot mean to say, that a ps-oper respect, for the wishes of the 
nation fairly ascertained, ought not always to be observed by its 
representatives. But v.e do say, that tlie present Chief Magistrate 
jioids his seat, by the w.ill of the people of the United States, regu- 
larly expressed, in the only way, in which an expression of that 
will had any authority. They have willed, in the most solemn 
m.-"in the form cf'a c^^nstitution^ which they declare shall b-^ 



the supreme law of tlie land,— that :i phirjilily of votes shall not 
coiistilutr an election, — that when tlieie i.s siieii jilnralitj, the re- 
presentatives shall elect, \otin/; Uy States — thus witlideawin!^ from 
the people, tint eqnality of inllueiue whicli is given them, in Iho 
fust v(»te, and traii.sfcninj^ it to thi^ Siates, in the second. Tiiis 
provision of our constitution is in the true sjiirit, which pervades 
the \\hoK' of it, and which marks it the result of a conlercnco be- 
tween States, surretulerint; in j)art, and relainin;^ in part, their po- 
litical equality. Shall this spirit hu apijealed from, one very oc- 
casion in which it was intended to sootlic and < one iliate, and the 
spirit of faction ho in\oked, to expose uuv mat^istratcs to unjust 
prejudice, and bring our institutions into discredit? 'I'hese things 
are re\<>lutinnary in their tendency, and ought to be discouiagcd. 

f)f like character is the complaint against the Kentucky delega- 
tion, for disregarding tlie instructions of their Legislalui-c. Wo 
Iiavc too much respect for the Legislatuie of Kentiicky to suppose, 
that tiiey meant to bind the dt-k-gation by an instruction. We can 
only suppose, tiiat tiiey meant to furnish the best information, in 
their i)owej', of tlse opinions of the people, on a question, which 
had never been submitted to them. Such information was entitled 
to tlie resiject duo to intelligent opinion, — and no more. It was not 
the constitutional organ, througli which the will of the people was 
to be convened to the representative. "The representatives in 
Congress wen- directly responsible to 'htii- coiistituents, not to the 
Legislattu-e. And an attem[>t of the Legislatni-e to control the 
immediate reprcsentati\es of the people, would be a usurpation 
upon the ligiits (jf the people; an act, which instead of deserving 
obedience, or even respect, i-equired resistance and reprobation. 
The failiiful representative willObey the instructions of his con- 
stituents, whenever constitulionally given, fie will pay a respect- 
ful attentioTi to their wislies, and every evidence of tiieir wishes. 
But, when Jiot bound by instruction, he will look bejond the im- 
perfect evidences of, their will, infoiinally convoyed — lie will rest 
upon the conclusions of his own mind, formed from the best lights 
he can obtain, will cowsuit Iiis country's good. — and firmly meet 
the responsibiMty of tiiose acts, he deems proper for itsattiinment. 
This we believe the Kentucky delegation did. They we e not in- 
structed; they did not choose to slielfer thcmsehes from responsi- 
bility, liuder t're cover of a legislative recommendation; — consult- 
ing their own judgments, they preferred the man thought most 
capable of ad\;uicing tlic ijiterest of his country ; ami thei-e is no 
questii)n, that Yirginia then cojicuircd in th.c ojjiuion, and approv- 
ed the act. 

Tliis \<»ie, whir'i, if honr.stly given, is an aiTaii* chiefly between 
the rcpi esentativo and his constituetits, would not have b'^en ob- 
truded o!i your attention, !)..>« it not boon cjjnuected ^^ith a charge 
of grave import made upon the purity of ti»e election, — impcadiing 
the integrity of the chief magistrate of tlie nation, and t!ie first 
member of his cabinet. Thig charge, in its strongest form, im- 



14 

ports, that at the last election, the vote of the Kentucky delegation 
was in the uiat-ket, for the higliest bidder,— thtit- it was Hffered to 
one candidate, and being refused by him, was sold to the other,--- 
and that the consideration f the sale, was the office of secretary 
of state, bestowed on Mr Clay. If this were true, we should not 
hesitate to affirm that it statnps iisfamv on the characters of the 
guilty, and renders them forever unworthy of puidic trust. 

This charge, not so strongly, however, as has been here stated, 
was made, for the first time, pending th<' Pnsidential election. It 
was promptly met, hiuI hallenged by Mr Clay, and deserted by 
its supporters. They rallied again after tin- election, gave it a form 
somewhat varied, drew to is aid some imposing circumstances, 
and, at last, gave it the pobiic sariction of Gen. Jackson's name. 
Mr Clay again public 1} denied it, call- d for the proof, and clial- 
lenged inquiry. No proof has appeared to sustain It, no inquiry 
has been instituted, and now, in all its pliases, it stands reprobated, 
by a body of proof, so strong and so con\ incing, as to re(juire from 
the least charitable, its open disavowal, and from the most suspi- 
cious, a candid acknowledgnn-nt, that they have done injustice ill 
evcu thiiiking it proOable. r,. 

It may not be unuoi'thy of notice, as one of the means, by 
which the public mind has beeti ptvj>!<lired and inflamed, that opin- 
ions the most offi'usive to a repultlican j)eople. have been unwar- 
rantably and uncandidly inferred fr<)ni some of tlie President's 
communications to Congress, and gra\ely imputed to him, as doc- 
trines in his political creed, tie lias, on one ocrasion, not pej-haps 
with strict rhetorical propriety, used the expression, " palsied by 
the will of our constituents" — in reference to duties enj«{ined by 
the constitution. This plirasehas been torn from its context, mis- 
interpreted, and used as tlie authos-ity, upon whicls, the I're-i^lent 
is charged with the heresy, fb;it a representative owes no <(bliga- 
tion to the will of his constituents. On another occasion, incau- 
tiously taking it for granted, that every one would understand, tiiat 
the liigh obligation of a!» oatii was deiived from liea\en.— hi- has 
again perhajjs, without much felicity of phrase, made an ol)vioiis, 
though not avowed refererice to his oath of office, as imposing an 
obligation above all human law, ---and this reference is tortured, 
into a public avowal, of the od'nus doctrine, that bis jiolitical 
power,"" was jure devino. If these bad been the taunts and the 
railings of anonymous newspaper scribblers, they would have been 
deemed unworthy of this putdic notice. , But, when sucb charges 
are seriously made and reitei-ated, by men hfddina: i>igh stations in 
the government, and exercising some influence o%er public opinion, 
they cannot be too strongly condemned. 

Mr Adams, it is said, is friendly to the regulation of the tarifF 
of duties, witii a view t^o tlie encoui-agement of Asnerican inanufac- 
tures, and this is clamorously urged against hint, as a serioiis ob* 
jcction, by those who support the election of Gen. Jackson. 



15 



This ohjortion seems fo Iiavc been treated beioi'c tlic public, as if 
Mr Adams wei-e the foiindei- of a new and odions docti-iiie, and the 
father of the measures to which it had .^iveii hirth. Nothini^ cau 
be fai-tliei- from tiie trutli. Not a sinj^le act of the govcinmcnt, 
on this subject, has its <late w ithin his adniinisti'aticm. And so far 
is he fi-om beinj^ the loundi r of thi- doctrine, that it is traced to tlic 
earliest and purest times of tlje repuldic, a\o\\ed and acted upon 
from the toundation of the government, wiien the father of his 
country firesidctl OACi- its destinies. Before the adoption of the 
B'ederal Constitution, (he ])owcr of ree;ulatinu; commei-ce and im- 
posinj^ duties on im|»orts, belonji;ed to the State governments; and 
SUcIj of them as deemed it expedient, so re.^ujated tlicir tariff of 
duties as to |?ive encouragement to their mimifactiires. The Con- 
stitution transfei-red to the tederal government, by «'xpress provi- 
sion, the powei* of regiiiating commeice, and of imposing duties. 
An act passed at the first session itf the firsi Congress, held under 
the Constitution, advoca.ted hy James Madison, and signed by 
GeiMge Washington, on the 90th of July, 1789, contains the first 
Tariffof duties on imported goods laid hy the General Government, 
and its preamble recites, that it was »Miecessaiy for the support of 
<« government, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, 
«« and f/te encouragement and protection of manufactures." This 
doctrine was acted upon by ever> succeeding administration, 
by the elder Adnms, by Jefferson, Madison and Monroe ; the 
policy of protecting and encouraging manufactures was recom- 
mended by tliem all ; the t; riff was increased from time to time, 
\vith a view to that object; and yet no ( hampion of the Constitu- 
tion, though many and bold and able tiiere wei-e, alv\ays at their 
posts, e\er challenged the authors of these measures, as invaders 
of constitutional ground-— until, during the administration of the 
last President, when the fathers of the constitution having mostof 
them retired from the field of action, a member from Virginia 
suggested in Congress, th - want of constitutional powxr to give 
protection to manufactures. 

On this rjuestion we forliear to enter the field of argument; and 
content ourselves with saying tiiat the power of Congress to re- 
gulate the tariff of duties, so as to give protection anil encourage- 
■ vnent to agriculture, manufactui-es, cftmmerce a:;d navigation, can- 
not be denied, without denying to the lettei* of tiie constitution it3 
plain import, and to its spirit its most obvious and essential at- 
tributes—without ftirming, that tliose who have administered the 
government, from its foundation to the present day, have cither 
" inisuiidei'stood the charter of their powers, or wantonly and habit- 
ually violated it— without coining to the extraordinary conclusion, 
cither that a power which existed in the State goverJiments, and 
was frecpiently exercised by them, before the ado])tion of the fed- 
eral constitution, was annihilated by the secret and magical inllu- 
cnce of that instrument, or tliat such power docs not properly per 
tain to the legislature of any free people. 



IG 

The exercise of this power is neccssaiily referred to the sound 
discretion of Congiess, to be justly and impurtially employed for 
the common benefit of all ; not to be p;n'verted to the |>urpose of 
advancing the interest of one class of the community, op of one 
part of the country, at tlie expense of another; and whatever some 
of us may think as to its abuses under a former administration, or 
of the danger of such abuses under the present, all must concur in 
the opinion, that iliQ remedy is not to be found in the election of 
Gen. Jackson ; but if sought at all, should be looked for in the vi- 
gilence and exertioiis of faithful and able Senators and Represen- 
tatives in Congress. 

The opinions of Mr Adnnr-?, and his recommendations to Con- 
gress, in relation to internal improvement, are un[)opuiar in Vir- 
ginia, and have been urged against him witii much earnestness, and 
perhaps with some effect ; even though it cannot, with any color of 
reason be contended, that his competitor, General Jackson, is not 
exposed to precisely the same objection. We do not vindicate 
these opinions, or discuss them ; because they fall within tlse in- 
terdict wc have imposed on ourselves; we differ in opinion con- 
cerning tliem. But we will remind you, that these opiniojis, what- 
ever may be their merit, have produced but few and unimportant 
actsi during the present administration— and we will a\'^il our- 
selves of the occasion, to appeal io tiiegood sense and good feeling 
of Virginia, and invoke its influence, in tempei'ing the asperity of 
party politics, and in securing to every suhjeft of national interest, 
adeliberate and caiurul consideration. Viv Uvs; leave also to remind 
you, that the questions of constituticjnal law and State policy con- 
nected with this subject, are important, delicate, and of acknowl- 
edged difficulty ; tliat there are arrayed on either side of them, 
statesmen of approved patriotism and talent, whose opinions should 
be examined with great consideration, and wiiose measures if deem- 
ed wrong, alter being judged \vit!> candor, should be o])posed with 
reason, not witii passion, with firmness, nor with violence; that, 
those among us who deny the constitiilional power, and condemn 
the policy, should entitle our doctrines to respect, by the fairness 
of views, and the force of our reasoning, and give weight to our 
oppositon, by its temper, and its dignity ; while those who affirm 
the power, and approve the policy, should observe the most res* 
pectful deference for thcoj)inions of the matiy and the wise, who 
differ from them, should consult the public interest and tran- 
quility, by confining their measures to objects of acknowl- 
edged and genera! interest, by infusing into them a s|)irit of 
the most exact justice, and by observing, in all things, scrupu- 
lous care in the exercise oi a power, so delicate and so much con- 
troverted. 

Thus far, wc have endeavored to correct error and disarm pre- 
judice, that reason might be left free, to estimate faiily, the present 
Administration and its priricipal measures. We liave offV'red no 
panegyric on the present Chief Magistrate; we cheerfully leave 
you to estimate the value yf his long and varied public services, his 



17 

great experience, liis talent, his leai-ninj^, and liis jirivatc virtues, — 
and to set (iff against (lietn whatever your fancy or your judgment 
may find to hiame, in his private or public life. When you liavu 
done this, — reflect on the character of the office you are about to 
fill, — inquire what lei'ling, what temper, what talent, wliat acrpiirc- 
ments, what habits, are best suited to the disc harge of its high du- 
ties; — and then carefully con)pare John Quincy Adams with Atj.- 
drew Jackson, in reference to the gieat questions, — which of theiu 
is best qualified for the first office in the nation, — which most likely 
to preserve tons, thedistinguished blessings weenjoy,— from whiclj 
is most danger to be apprehended, to our peace and happiness, ofli* 
lives and liberties? 

It is not in wantonness, that we speak. — but in the sadness of 
our hearts, we are compelled to declare, — that w hile we yield our 
confidence to the present Chief Magistrate in very differcnt^degrees, 
we are unanimous, and uidiesitating in the opinion, that Andrew 
Jackson is altogether unfit for the Presidency, and that his election 
would be eminently dangerous, — that while we cheerfully accord 
to him his full share of tlie gloi'y, which renders tlie anniversary 
of the 8th of January a day of joy and triumph to our land, — we 
must, in the most solemn manner, protest against a claim to civil 
rule, founded exclusively upon military renown, — and avow, tliat 
nothing has occurred in the history of our country, so much calcu- 
lated to shake our confidence in the capacity of the people for self- 
government, as the efforts, which have been made, and arc yet 
making, to elevate to the first office in the nation, the man, who^ 
disobeying the orders of his supejiors, trampling on the laws and 
constitution of his country, sacrificing the liberties and lives of 
men, has made his own arbitrary will, the rule of his conduct. 

In stating an opinion so unfavorable to a distinguished man, who 
has rendered valuable service to his country, a pro[)er respect for 
ourselves and for you requires, that we should declare the reasons 
which compel us to withhold our confidence from him. 

Capacity fof civil aflairs, in a country like ours, where the 
road to preferment is open to merit, in every class of society, is 
never long concealed, and seldom left in retirement.~Gen. Jacksoii 
lias lived beyond the age of 60 years, and w as bred to the profes- 
sion best calculated to improve and display the faculties, whicU 
civil employment requires; — yet tlie history of his public life, in 
tUpse employnjcnts, is told in a few brief lines, on a single page of 
Lis biography. He filled successi\ely, for very short periods, — the 
officer of member of the Tennessee Convention, which formed theit 
State constitution,-representative, and senator in Congress,-jndge 
df the suprcmecourtof Tennessee,— and again senator, in the Con- 
gress of the United States. Here was ample opportunity for dis- 
tinction, if he had possessed the talent, taste and application suited 
for civil eminence. But he resigned three, and passed through all 
the^e stations^ acknowledging his unfitness in two instances, — ma- 



iilfefetly feoliog ii ia all, — and leaving qo single act, tie triacfe Uci 
hind, which stamps his qualifications above nne(liocrity.(c) 

For civil government, — and in no station more emphaticallri 
than in that of President of the United States,— a well governed 
temper is of admitted importance; Qen. Jackson's friends lament 
the impetaosity of his, and all the world has evidence of its fiery 
iirisrulo. 

To n^aintatn peace and harmony, in the delicate relationsexisting 
Iretween the government of the Union and the various State govern- 
ments, in our confederacy, requires a courtesy and forbearance in 
tlieir intercourse, which no passion should disturb :— Let the spirit 
of domination displayed in General Jackson's celebrated letter to 
Gov. Rabun, warn us of the danger of committing to his keeping, 
tliis precious deposit, sacred to the union of our Republics and to 
the freedom of Mankind. (&) 

Military raen should never be allowed to forget,— that the 
obligation to obey being the sole foundation of the authority to 
command, they should inculcate subordination, not by precept only^ 
but by example,— that profound respect for the laws and constitu- 
tion of their country, is an indispensable guarantee of their worthi-' 
ness to bo entrusted with the sword, which is drawn to defend 
tliem, — that they sljonld lose no fit occasion for manifesting that 
respect, by practical illustrations of the principle, sacred in every 
\>-eH ordei-ed Republic, which proclaims tlie military, subordinate 
to the civil power,— that mercy even to the guilty, and humanity 
always to the conquered and the captive, are part of the law of 
(S^od and man, found in every civilized code, written in every hu- 
man heart, and indispensable to the true glory of the. Hero. 

Gen. Jackson has been unmindful of these truths :— though hc 
has enjoined subordination by precept, and enforced it by authori- 
ty, he has not recommended it by example:— he has offered indigo 
nity to the Secretary of War, in the very letter which assigned his 
i-casons for disobeying an order for disbanding his troops ;(c) he haS 
placed his own authority in opposition to that of tjje War Depart- 
ment, by a general order, forbidding the officers of his command to 
obey the orders of thatDapartment, unless they passed through the 
channel which he had prescribed, (^) and lie disobeyed the orders 
of the Government in his military operations in the Spanish terri- 
tory, (e) • 

He has been unmindful of the subordination of military to ci^il 
power, and has violated the law and the constitution— by declaring 
martial law at New-Orleans, and maintaining it,of iiis own arbitra- 
ry will, for more than two months, after the enemy had been beaten 
and repulsed, and all reasonable apprehension of their return had 
ceascd(/)— by surrounding the hall of the Louisiana Legislature 
with an armed force, and suspending their operations— by seizing 

(o) See Eaton's Life of Jackson. id) See Appendix marked D. 

(b) See Appendix marked B. (e) See Appendix marked E. 

^c) see Eatoo's Uft of JaCkSonsp. Z2v C0 geie Appendix matkea F. 



the pcu'iion olLoiiaiJicr, a Ci'cc citizen of Loiusiaua, aud nicinUei'ot: 
Iheir LegislHtuie, and briiijjinijhiin to a trial bdorc a military tri- 
bunal, lor having the boldness to denounce, through the publii; 
preas, (hu continued arbitrary rcigu of martial law — by disappi-ov- 
ing tba acquittal of Loualliei- upon liis trial, whcu to have condeinuii/l 
and executed him, would havr exposed the actcrs in that fatal tra.i*- 
criy to the legal pain* of death — by Huspeuding, of his own arbi- 
trary will, the privileges of the writ ol' habcits corpus, whentheLe- 
^islaturo of J^ouisiaua had refused to suspend it ou his application, 
when no law of Congress authorised it, and no imminent danger 
pleaded its apology — by arresting and imprisoniug Judge Hall/for 
issuing the writ ol' habeas corpus to relieve LouaJlier from illegal 
confinement, and arresting and imprisoning two othci* officers of 
the law, for appealing to ciril process against his tyrannic rule 
(S)—^y *''^ arrest, trial and execution of six militia men, who 
were guilty of no other offeuce, than the assertion of tljeir right 
to return home, after their legal term of service had expired (A)— 
by organizing a corps of volunteer militia, and appointing, its of-, 
ficers without any warrant for so doiag, and against the provisions 
of tba constitution, which expressly reserves tJi^e appointment of the 
oflicers of the militia to the States respectively — and by making 
war upon the Spanish territory, seizing and holding Spanish posts 
in violation of the orders of iiis Government, and while peace ex- 
isted between Spain and the United State*, (e) 

That mercy and humanity may unite with tlie offended law an.ll 
constitution, in accusing General Jackson of being unmindful ol' 
their voice, and in refusing to his laurel crown the rays of true 
glory, will be acknowledged by impartial posterity, when they rc»- 
view the history of his Indian campaigtis — and especially, when 
they read the stories, of the cold blooded massacre, at the Horse*- 
shoe, (t) — of the decoyed and slaugiiterod Indians at St Mark's, (/?) 
—of the wanton and unexampled execution of Ambrister; an En- 
glishman, found 6g!jting, it is true, in the ranks of the Seminole?, 
but taken prisoner, tried, doomed to a milder punishment, and ex- 
ecuted by order of the commanding general^ against the sentence qf 
the ti'ibunal appointed by liimself, — and of the still more injured 
Aibuthnot, — another Briton, not hearing arms at all, only found 
among the wairiug Indians, a trader, and an advocate for peace. (/) 

\Te have done with this sickening catalogue : — You have now a 
brief summary of the evidence on the authority of which, we rQ^ 
gard Gen. Jackson, as wliolly disqualiftcd for the Presidency, and 
look to the prospect of his election with tlie moat gloomy forcbod.- 
ings. 

You think, perhai)s, we pay a poor compliment to the virtues of 
our people and tlie strengtii of our institutions, by indulging in 
apprehensions of danger from tlie encroachments of military power, 

(ff) See Abstract from Louallier's Address, marked G. 

(/j) See Report of tlie Nashville Committ*©. (i) SffC Appendix mffjced l- 

{k) S-ee ^ppcndijS p™rkcd.Ki (0 See Ap pcnirx marked L. 



20 

ill the youth ami vii^or of our republic, and in the midst oF profound 
peace. Wc siiould, indeed, do great injustice to the virtue of our 
people, the circumstances of our country, and tiie value of our 
^vernment, if we indulged in the idle fear, that an open attack 
upon our jibertias, made with any military force, which Gen. 
J. could probably command in the course "of his Administration, 
would brinj? us under the yoke of his power. These are not our 
appreljensions; we would bid a proud defiance to his power, if he 
should so dare our liberties. Nor will we do him the injustice to 
charge his ambition with any designs at present, on the liberties of 
his country, nor withhold our acknowledgment, that if they were 
assailed by others, wi; believe he would promptly and boldly draw 
his sword to defend them. 

But, wc have no security for the continuance of peace, in what- 
soever hands the government may be placed; and it is not unrea- 
sonable to think, that in the hands of a man of military pride and 
talent, and of ungovernable temper, the danger of war will be in- 
creased. A foreign war may come, may rage with violence, and 
find Gen. Jackson at the head of the civil government, and com- 
mander-in-chief of the land and naval forces. Dissentient views 
among the states may arise, controversies grow up between the 
State and Federal authorities, as dissentions and controversies have 
heretofore arisen ; and who then, we pray you, can answer for the 
consequences of that spirit, which said to Governor Rabun, 7vhen 
I (im in the feld you have no aiiUiority to issue a military order? 
Reliect on this question we beseccli you — on the peculiar struc- 
ture of our government — on the collisions of opinion, and the 
threatened collisions of action, both In peace and war, which have 
already occurred between the State and Federal authorities — and 
then tell us, whether the fear is altogetiier xisionary, that the first - 
foreign war, seriously waged against th-^ United States, witii Gen. 
Jackson their chief, would biiiig danger of civil discord, dissolu- 
tion of the Union, and death to the hopes of every free government 
in the world. 

AVe say nothing of the danger of civil discord, even when no 
foreign war should afflict us : thotigli tlie letrospext of a few short 
years would teach us that such danger is not imaginary, — and that 
the slightest want of tact in its management, the least indulgence 
of temper on the part of tiie Chief Magistrate, might inflame the 
whole nation, and light tlie funeral pile of freedom. 

There are dangers of another kind, if we are correct, in the 
detail of offences committed by Gen. Jackson against tiie most 
sacred principles of our government, wliat will he the moral effect 
of the direct sanction given to these offences, by rewarding the 
offender with the first honor of the nation? Can we preserve our 
love and reverence for institutions, which we suffer to be violat- 
ed, not only without censure, but witli applause? Will not our 
affections and our veneration be transfeired form tlie despised laws 
and constitution, to the honored hero who has abused them, from re- 



21 

IHibllcan simplicity and virtue, to military pomp and e;Iory ? Will 
you not, in fine, by such example, lay tlie sure foundation of that 
moral de|)ravity, and admiration of arms, uhich miistsoon reduce 
us to the condition in whirh (irrccc was enslaved i)y Alexander, 
— Rome by C\'esar, — Enejland by Cromwell. — France by Bona- 
parte, — and in which we will assuredly find some future Jackson 
not too fastidious to accept Hie piofTere*! crown, and erect a milita- 
ry des[)otism on the ruins of llie last Republic. 

We appeal to the peoph; of Vir.^inia. to.^ay what there is in the 
present party politcs, so alluiiti]:^ on the part of the op|)osition, so 
frij^htful on the pait of liie Admi -stiation, as to seduce them to 
the fraternal embrace, or drive themundei* the protection, of such 
a man as Andrew Jackson? We ask an answer to this question, 
not from their offended pride, nor from the prejudice vvliich at- 
tachment to party never fails to beget — but we ask it from theit*^ 
love of country, their love of truth and virtue; — we ask it, after a 
deep and dispassionate consideration of the true state of the ques- 
tion — after a candid estimate of the little to be j)ossibly .gained 
by the rejection of Mr Adams, — the incalculable mischiefs which 
may probably attend the success of hisrixal. 

If you indul.2;e the faint hope, titat, under the administration of 
General Jackson, the tribute which aj^riculture will pay for the en- 
couragement of domestic industry and enterprise, will be somewhat 
lighter than at pi-esent, — we ask you, first, whether the hope is not 
groundless, — and next, whether it is wise to insist on enjoying the 
profits of your estates to the uttermost farthing of their fancied 
value, at the risk of having your free allodial lands converted into 
military tenures, or fiefs of the crown. If you are fighting the 
battles of Gen. Jackson in this jiolitical roiitest, with the vain 
hope that victory will conquer from your adversaries some bai-ren 
spot of constitutional giound, — we ask whether you will wage 
such a war w ith your countrymen, at the hazard of laying all your 
conquests, and all your former possessions, the constitution itself, 
and the freedom it was intended to protect, at the feet of a despot? 
This does not become the charaeter of Virginians. 

In the ancient state of political parties, when federalists and re- 
publicans contended for ascendancy, there was something in the 
great questions of foreign jioliry. in tlie leading principles of con- 
struction applied to theronstitution, l)caiiiig strongly on the essen- 
tial charactei" of the government, and woiliiy of a generous stiuggle 
between the statesmen, wlio an tlie one hand, sought to guard 
against a dissolution of the Union, by strengthening the federal 
Tjond, and, on tlie other, endeavored to avert consolidation, by es- 
tablishing more firmly tlie State autliorities. But this state of 
things has passed away, and the feelings and doctrines to which it 
gave rise, though nt)t entirely foigotten. are almost unknow n, in 
the party distinctions of the day. Federalists and republicans 
mingle together in the ranks of the opposition, — and togethei* rally 
around the standard of the administration. There will be no great 



2B 



principle of political doctrine to distinajuisli theuj, unless tlie oix- 
position, by following too closely the footsteps of those who tram- 
ple on the laws and constitution of the country, should give to the 
supporters of the Administration some claim to be the champions 
of civil rule and constitutional law. Shall our parties be hereafter 
founded on local interests and marked by geographical boundaries^ 
arraying tlie north against the south, the east against the west- 
losing the generous enthusiasm w^hich is always inspired by a con- 
test for principle^ for honorable distinction, for pre-eminence in 
the service of our common country, and acquiring the bitterness of 
spirit, acrimony of feeling, narrow policy and sordid views, 
which ever characterise the contests of men, striving not for the 
promotion of the common good, but for the advancement of theif 
own peculiar interests — and which must lead inevitably, to theon- 
tire subjugation of the weaker party, or a dissolution of the Union? 
We know well that the people of Virgij»ia will never countenance 
any such distinction. Tiieir generous sacrifices in the cause of 
their country, their uniform devotion to civil liberty, and theii' 
noble daring in the defence of freedom, from whatever quarter as- 
sailed, is the sure guarantee that they will not be slow to follow- 
where the path of duty leads; and on that guarantee, we repose 
with confidence, tliat, in this hour of danger, sacrificing all minor 
considerations, they will go forth in their strength, and save the 
temple of liberty from polkition. 

1. Resolved, That JOHN QUINCY ADx\MS, of Massachu- 
setts, be recommended to the people of the United States, as a fit 
person to be supported for the office of President. 

2. Resolved, 'J'hat this convention approve the nomination of 
RICHARD RUSH, of the State of Pennsylvania, for the office of 
Vice-President, made by the Convention at Harrisburg, and re- 
commend him to the people of Virginia as a fit person to be sup- 
ported for that ofllce. 

3. Resolved, That the President of this Convention be requested 
to transmit a copy of the proceedings and address of this Conven- 
tion, toeacliof the gentlemen vvho have been nominated oii the 
Electoral Ticket, and infoim them of their several appointments. 

4. Resolved, Tiiat the following persons he appointed a central 
corresponding Committee, with tiie authority to fill any vacancies 
which may occur witiiiji their own body, or in the Electoral Tick- 
et, in favor of the election of John Quincy Adams as President of 
the United States, and Richard Rush as Vice-President, viz:— ■ 
Judge William H. Cabell, Judge Dabncy Carr. Judge John Coal- 
tcr, Mr Robert Stanard, Rev. Jot»n Kerr. Gen. J. B. Harvie, Mr 
Peyton Randolpli, Mr Jo!i:» H. Pleasants, Mr Charles Copland, 
Mr Tliomjis lirockenbrough, Mr E. W. Rootes, Mr J H. Eustace, 
Dr. Thomas Nelson. 

5. Resolved, T!)at the Corresponding Committees, which have 
been appointed by the meetings opposed to the election of General 
Jackson as Presitdent of the United Shites, in tht va/'ioiis counties 



ti5 



•autl corporations of this cummon wealth, constitute the rorrespouJ- 
ing Coniinittcos of said counties and corporations, with antliority 
to add to their numbers and fill any vacancies which may occur 
ill such Committees. 

. 6. Resolved, Thi\t tlie Central Corresponding Committee be an- 
iliorised to appoint corresponding committees in the several coun- 
ties and corporations wliich have not appointed them---w'hich com- 
mittees shall have authority to eicn iso tlir same powers as those 
which have i)eretotore been appointed. 

V. llcsol-ocd, That it bo recommended to the Convention, that 
each member should pay the sum of five dollars to the Secretaries 
to be deposited in the Bank of Virginia to the credit of the Chair- 
man of the Central Corresponding Committee, to defray the ex- 
penses of printing and circulating the documents directed to be 
published by the Convention, and such other publications as mav 
be thought advisable by the said Central Committee, for the pur- 
pose of distribution among the citizens of the Commonwealth, and 
all other incidental charges. 

S. Resolved, That at least tiiirty thousand copies of the proceed- 
ings and address of this Convention be printed and circulated, 
tinder the direction of the Central committee, through the several 
counties and corporations of the Commonwealth, 

0. Resolved, That the Central Corresponding Committee be re- 
quested to publish, in pamphlet form as many copies of the ad- 
dress of the lion. Henry Clay, with the accompanying documents, 
as they may deem expedient, and that tiiey cause to be published 
such other documents, as in their opinion, will sustain the facts 
and principles, set forth in the address of this Convention. 

10. Resolved, That the Central Committee be requested to 
make to the otficers of the Senate and House of Delegates who 
have attended upon this Convention during its session, such com- 
pensation as they may deem proper to be paid out of the fund 
provided by this Convention. 

11. Resolved, That this Convention entertain feelings of im- 
feigned gratitude for the facilities offered, and the spirit of accom- 
modation manifested, by both Houses of the Virginia Assembly 
and their oflicers to this Convention, in the in-osccution of their 
duties, and that the President be requested to tender the thanks 
of this Convention to both branches of the Assembly and their 
officers; foi- their kindness and liberality. 

12. Resolved, That the Editors of the several newspapers print- 
ed in Virginia, be requested to publish the proceedings of the 
Convention, together with their address to the people of Virginia, 
in their respective papers. 

The address having been read, was on motion nnanimouslu 
adopted. 

The question was then taken on the resolutions seriatim, and 
they were ununimously adoytcd. 



24 

On Ml* Sharpe's motion, the President was requested to desire 
file Rev'd John Kerr, a member of the Convention, to close their 
labors by prayer. 

Gen. Carrington offered a resolution, which was adopted unani- 
mously, tendering the thanks of the meeting to the President and 
Secretaries. 

Judge Bi'ooke tlien rose and made a suitable acknowledgment* 

A resolution of thanks was next adojjtpd to the sub-committee 
for the ability with which tljey had tlischarged the duty confided 
to them. Gen. Taylor said he was one of the persons embraced in 
the resolution, but that the whole merit of the address to the peo- 
ple was due to the Chairman, Mr Chapman Johnson. 

The Rev'd Mr Kerr tlien closed the |)roceedings by an appro- 
priate praycr---and on General Taylor's motion, the Convention 
adjourned. 



APPENDIX. 



(BO 

Kcclrad of a leller from General Jadison to Governor Ra'biui^- 
dated on march torourds Pensacola, 7 miles advance of Fofi 
Gadsden, JIaij 7, 1818. (Nilcs' Weekly Rcgi.stcj-, vol. 15^ 
XJage 254.) 

"You, Sir, as Govornor of a State, within my military division^ 
have no right to give a njilitary order whilst I am in the field; and 
this being an open and violent infringement of the treaty with the 
Creek Indians, Capt. Wright must be prosecuted and punished for 
this outrageous murder, and I have ordered him to be arrested and 
confined in irons, until tlic pleasure of the Tresidcnt of the United 
States is known upon the subject." 



Extract of a leller from Governor Rabun to Gen. Jackson, iii reply., 
dated Executive Department, Geo. MiUcdgeville, 1st June, 1818. 
(Niles' Weekly Register, vol. 15, pa. 254.) 

"Sir, — I have lately had the honor to receive yours of the 7ih 
May, founded on a communication from Gen. Glascock, relative 
to the attack recently made on the Chehaw village. Had you> 
sir, or Gen. Glascock been in possession of the facts that produced 
the affair, it is to be presumed at least, that you would not havG 
indulged in a strain so indecoi'ous and unbecoming. I had on thtJ 
iZlst of March last, stated the situation of our bleeding fi-ontier to 
you, and requested you, in respectful terms, to detatch a part of 
your overwhelming force for our protection, or that you would 
furnish supplies and I would order out more troops, to which you 
have never deigned yet to reply. You state in a very hauglity 
tone, that **I as Governor of a State within your military divis- 
ion have no right to give a military order tchile yoit are in the 
field." Wrctclied and contemijtible indeed, must be our situation^ 
if this be the fact; wlien the liberties of the people of Georgia 
shall have been prostrated at the feet of military despotism, then, 
and not till tlien, will ynw impeiious doctrine be tamely submit- 
ted to. You may rest assured that if tlie savages continue their 
depredations on our unprotected frontier, I bimll thii\fcLand act foil' 
myself ill that ijespcct.'* 

4 



2G 

(D.> 

Extract from division order of Major General Jacksaii, dated Ad- 
jutant General's Office, Head ^natters, Divmon of the Southf 
J\*ashville, April 'Z2d, 1317. (Niles* Weekly Register, IStli 
vol. p. 520.) 

<«Tbe commanding general considers it due to the principles of 
subordination, wliich ought and must exist in an army, to prohibit 
the obedience of any order emanating from the Department of 
War, to officers of this division, who have reported and been as- 
signed to duty, unless coming tlu'ough him as the proper organ of 
communication." 



(E.) 

iROM NILES' W. REa., VOl. 16, P. 33, AND DOCUMENa'S ANXliXED. 

jSxlract from the report of the committee of the Senate^ appointed 
to inquire relative to the advance of the United States* troop's 
into West Florida, (^c. 

«<Wbile your committee feel a pleasure in applauding the zeal and 
pr-omptitude that have marked the military conduct of these general 
officers on many former occasions, they would feel themselves 
wanting in their duty to the Senate and the nation, if they did not 
express their decided disapprobation uf the conduct of tlie Com- 
manding Generals, in the steps they took to raise and organize the 
force employed on this occasion. There was no law in existence 
tlmt authorised even the President of the United States to raise, or 
accept the services of volunteers. The law passed for tliat purpose, 
had expired in the year 1815. The Constitution of the United 
States gives to Congress exclusively, tlie power of raisuig armies, 
and to the President and Senate, ti»e power of appointing the offi- 
cers to command those armies when raised. The Constitution like- 
wise gives congress power to provide for calling forth the militia, 
to execute the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrection, and to 
repel invasions; but reserves to the States respectively, the appoint- 
ment of the officers. In conformity with the last recited provision of 
the Constitution, the Congress of the U. States have passed laws, 
authorising the President, when the contingencies above alluded to 
should happen, to call on the Governors, or any militia officers of 
the respective States, for such portions of the militia as he might 
deem requisite for the occasion: and in strict observance of these 
laws, was General Jackson ordered to call on 'he Governors of the 
States adjacent to the Seat of War, for the requisite militia force. 
<«It is with regret that the committee are compelled to declare, 
hat they conceive General Jackson to have disregarded the posi- 



Ar 
'^i 



Ovo oi'deis of the l)ej)ai'tnicnlof War, the C;on.sti(ution r.nd laws; 
iliiit he has taktu iipoji himself, not only tlii' cxciclse of those pow- 
ers dolegatetl to Congress, as the sole legislative autlioritj of the 
nation, and to tlie President and Senate, as it lelates to ajjpointy 
incnts, hut of the powers wliirli had been expressly reserved to the 
States, in the appointment of the oHicers of the militia : A power 
the more valuahle to the States, because, as they had surrendered 
to the General Government tlie revenues and |)liysi(al force of tiro 
nation, they could only look to the oflicers of the militia, asaaccir- 
rity against the possible abuse of the delegated power. 

*' The committee find the miiunc/witj fact before them, thtit m\V(- 
tary officers, even at this early stage of tijis republic, have, with- 
out the shadow of authority, raised an army of at least £,500 meiv, 
and mustered tliem into the service of tl»e United States. Two 
hundred and thirty oflicers have been appointed, and tlicir ranR 
established, from an Indian Brigadier General, down to the lowest 
subaltern of a company. To whom were those oflicers accountabfc 
for tlicir conduct ? Not to the President of the United States ; for, 
it will be found that it «as not considered necessary even to fur- 
nish hiin with a list of their names, and not until the pay-rolls were 
made out and payment demanded, were the persons known to the 
Department of War : And in this place it is proper to observe, that 
General Jackson seemed to consider those oflBcers of his own crea- 
tion, competent to discharge all the functions of officers appointed 
by the authority of the General or State Governments ; for, we find 
five of them detailed, afterwards to act on a general Court Martial, 
on a trial of life and death. On the same principles, might not 
General Jackson have tried, condemned and executed, any officer 
of the Georgia militia, by the sentence of a Court Martial, com- 
posed of officers created by him, and holding tijeir usurped autho- 
rity by the tenure of his will?" 

Extract from same report, as to the violation of the Constitution hy 
General Jackson, in waging war against Spain, "ivith xvhom the 
. United States were at peace. 

''The Constitution declares (article 1, sec. 8,) « Congress shall 
have power to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, 
and to make rules concerning captures on land and water." Surely 
it was never designed by this provision, that a military officer sliould 
first make war, and leave it to Congress afterwards to declare it: 
This would involve an absurdity that it is unnecessary to expose. 
It is sufficient to say, t!»at the Executive authority of the United 
States, and much less a subordinate officer, has no power to change 
the pacific relations of the nation. The President of the United 
States is bound constitutionally, to preserve the peace of the coun- 
try, until Congress declares it in a state of war; he can only, while 
fhiis in a state of peace, use the military force of the n^ition in thrcti 
^•Jpeciftcd ras^s : flTat.i»> "to exijcute f|je laws of the Unfnn, to sup- 



» 



28 

Jii^gi5 insurreetion, and repel invasion.'* (See Constitntion, article 
1, sec. 8 ; also tlie act for calling forth the militia, passed Feb. 28tli, 
1795.) It will not be pretended that Spain had invaded the United 
States, or that Congn-ss had declared war against that nation, and 
6f course the relations of peace did exist between the Uvo countries 
at the time General Jackson took possession of the Spanish pos- 
sessions in theFh)ridas. Tlicse facts being admitted, and they can- 
yiot be denied, the only question to decide is, whether the military 
CT)ndact of General Jackson was not war against Spain ? And on 
this subject there can be no doubt. The Capital of a Spanish Pro-* 
vince is taken by the sword ; a foitress is invested and bombard- 
ed ; lives are lost, and tlie place surrendered on capitulation, the 
terms of which are declared *' more favorable than a conquered 
enemy merited;" military officers and men, as well as those in the 
civil departments of Government, are transported to the West In- 
dies, and a new Government established for the conquered country*. 
If all these acts of hostility combined do not constitute war, the 
committee confess themselves utterly at a loss for its definition: — 
Or, if the fact be denied, the consequence of such denial will be a 
tjpoof that no war was made by the Seminole Indians on the Uni- 
ted States, and of course that the invasion of Florida was an nil-' 
authorised act of aggression on the part of the United States." 

Cfopy of a letter from Geors^e Graham, acting Secretary of War, tb 
Gen. Gaines, dated 2d of December, 1817. 

Sir— Your letter of the 9th ultimo, advising of the call on the 
Governor of Georgia, to assemble the auxiliary force which had 
])een previously required by you at Fort Hawkins, op the 26th alt, 
has been received. 

It is hoped that the letter addressed to you from this depart- 
ment, on the SOtli October, will have been received ; and that yon 
\vill confine your operations to tlie object stated in that communi- 
cation, and t» such a disposition of the regular force under your 
command, as will deter the Seminole Indians from making furtliel' 
depredations on the frontiers of Georgia. 

The state of our negociation with Spain, and the temper mani- 
fested by the principal European powers, make it impolitic, in the 
opinion of the President, to move a force at this time into the 
Spanish possessions, for the mere juirpose of cliastising the Semi- 
noles for dei^edations which have heretofore been committed by 
them. I have, &c. &c. 

Copy of a letter from J. €!. Calhoun, Secretary of Wary to General 
Gaines, dated 9th December, 1817. 

BiTi — Youp letter bearing date the 21st ultimo, and advising of 
the amval of the 1st brigade at Fort Scott, on the 19th ultimo, and 
of tlie subs'equent atfack on the Indians at Fo\yl--tpwn hus bespin 



C9 

l;i&ceivei1. Althougli tlio necessity of tliis affack and tlic cousff- 
quent effusion of blood is exrecdint^ly to lie i rf^ietted, yet it is 
IioptMl that the prompt measiiirs whirh were taken by yon on your 
arrival at Fort Scott, and the display nf sucIj an cflii i«'nt force in 
that quarter, will indtue the Indians to abstain from further de- 
predations and to sue for peace. 

Referring to the letters adrlressed to you from tliis department 
on the 3()th Octobei-, am. -2i\ of Drccmber, as manifesting the views 
of the President, I have to request that you ronforni to the instruc- 
tions therein given. Should the Indians, however, assemble in force 
on the Spanish side of iho line, and pt-t^ievcre in committing hos- 
tilities within the lin>its of the United Stairs, you will, in that 
«vent, exercise a sound discretion, as to tiic propriety of crossing 
the line for the purpose of attacking them, and breaking up their 
towns. I have, &e. &c. 

Vopif of a letter from J. C. Calhmtn, Secretarij of fJ'ar, to General 
Ouines, dated ititk December, I8i7. 

Sia — On the receipt of this letter, should the Seminole Indians 
still refuse to make reparation for their oulragf s and de|)redations 
on the citizens of the United States, it is the wish of the President^ 
that you consider yourself at liberty to march across the Florida 
line, and to attack them within its limits, should it he found neces- 
sary, unless they should shelter themselves under a Spanish fori^* 
' In the last event, you will immediately notify this department. 

I have, &c. &c. 



[F.] 

Exlraci of ffenernl orders hy General JacJxson, dafed Adjutant Gen* 
eral's Office, JVew Orleans, December IGt/if 18 1 4. (See Niles' 
Weekly Register, vol. 7, p. 317.) 

<*Major GU'neral Andrew Jackson, commanding tlic 7th United 
States' Military District, declares the city and environs of New 
Orleans under strict martial law, and orders that in future the fol- 
lowinjj rules be rigidly enforced, viz: Every individual entering 
the city will report to the Adjutant General's office, and on failure^ 
to be arrested and !>eld for examination. 

*«No person shall be permitted to leave the city without a per- 
mission in writing, signed by the General or one of liis staff. 

*»No vessels, boats or other crafts, will be permitted to leave 
NeAJT-Orleans, or Bayou St John, without a passport in writing 
from the General, or one of his staff, or the commander of the naval 
forces of the United States on this station. 

"The street lamps shall he extinguished at the hour of nine at 
n^glit, after which time, persons of every dcTstription f^mml in fltc 



30 

afreets, or not at tlicii' respective homes, without peniiission hi 
writing as aforesaid, and not ha\ inaj tlie rountersign, shall be ap- 
prehended as spies, and held for examination." 

Bxh'ads of a letter from Major General Jackson to the SecrefariJ 
of War, dated Head Q^narters, 7th Jlilitaj-y District, Camp 4 
unites bdoiv JS^exv -Orleans^ IdthJiuiuurij, 1815. (Sue files' W, 
Reg. 7th vol. p. 385.; 

"Last night at 12 o'clock, the enemy precipitately decamped, 
and returned to tjieir boats, leaving behind him, un(!er inodical at- 
tendance, eighty of Ijis wounded, itjciuding two oiliccrs, 14 pieces 
of his heavy arlillcrj . and a quantity of shot, having destroyed 
much of his powdes'," &c. 

"Whetlier it is the purpose of the enemy to abandon tlie expe- 
dition aitogether, or resiew his efforts on some other point, I do not 
pretend to determine with uositiveness. !n my own mind, how- 
ever, there is but little doubt that his last exertions have been made 
in this quarter, at any rate for the present season, and hy ilia next, 
Hiopc we shall be fully prepared for iiim," &c. 

(From Nilcs' \Y. Reg. vol. 8, pa. 122.) 

JSTeW' Orleans, March 7th, 1815. 

Sir — From the enclosed, which the commanding General be- 
lieves to be gennirie, tlie very pleasing intelligence of peace is 
placed almost beyond a doubt. You will please, however, in giving 
it publicity, to state the despatches referred to, have not from some 
extraordinary occurrence, reached the commanding General, and 
cojisequently leaves us in doubt whether the state of peace relates 
to the treaty as negotiated at Ghent, or to the ratification by the 
President of t!ic United States. With due consideration, 

ANDREW JACKSON, 
Major General Commanding. 
Mr Leclerc, Printer. 

General-Post Offie, Fcbniarij 14, 1815. 

S^iR, — Mr Charles B 11, the bearer hereof, is charged with 
despatches lelative to the state of peace which has taken place be- 
tween the United States i\n(\ Gi-e;it Brit;!in. I iseed not mention 
to you liie importance of forwarding these despatches with the 
greatest expedition possible, a'ld have ordv to ipfjuest your aid in 
furnisl;ingor prfjcuringhorses, or in case Mr D(>ll should be unable 
to proceed, to emph)y a tiew mc^^engrr. s-i u','Un as occasion may 
require, to foi w-ud tiiese despatches to New Orleans: any ueccfi- 
gary expense whieh niay be ijicurred in this respect, sha'l be duly 
Telnibiu«sed from this office^. R J. MEIGS, 

Post Maister Gemrnh 



]\Ir IJcIl will rest 4 lio^irs at nii^lit, and travel 80 miles in day 
time, and procccH as I'ai' as lio can stand it. The rider may take 
llie lower road, direct lor Columbia, so as to pass on tlic shortest 

lOlltO. 

To Post Masters, ConiractarSf and others on 

the route from JVashhigton citij to »V<jw Orleans. 

(TliC despatrh-beaicr of the above ratified treaty, by some 
Hti'an^e niistake, cxiiiani^ed his despatrhcs cotitaining the treaty, 
lor a bundle of old despatches he n'lct witii at one of the Post Of- 
lices between Washiii2;ton and New Orleans, orderint^ out three re- 
giments ol^ militia. The mistake was not discovered till tlie seal 
^vas broken by Gen. Jackson, at Iiead-quarters.") 

From Niles* W. Reg. vol. 8, pa. 141. 

TFea(l-({iiarters 7th Jlilitory Vistricl, T 

MjiUant- Generals offict-y J^Texv Orleans^ March I3th, 1815. j 

GENERAL ORDERS. 

The commanding General, with the most lively emotions of joy 
and of gratitude to Heaven, announces to the troops under his 
command that a treaty nf p<*ace between the United States and 
Great Britain, was ratified and cxclianged at Washington, on the 
17th of February last. 

In consequence w hereof he loses not a moment in revoking and 
annulling the General Order issued on the loth day of December 
last, proclaiming martial law, which is liereby revoked, annulled 
and countermanded; and he orders all hostilities immediately to 
•cease against (he troops and subjects of the United Kingdom oi" 
Great Britain and Ireland, 

And in order that tlie general joy attending this event may ex- 
tend to all manner of pers !h. *!i' • ■^uinanding Genei'al proclaims 
and orders a pardon for all militaiy uftcm eo, heretoI'Me committed 
in this distri»rt, and orders that all jiersons in confinement und^r 
such charges be immediately disi barged* 



(G.) 

(From the New York Advertiser.) 

General Jackson's conduct towards Mi* Louallicr, a rac-mber of 
ihc Legislature of Louisiana, some time after the battle of New 
Orleans, has been the sul)j<'ct of manv remarks, and much discus- 
sion, both among his paitizans and his opposers. His opposers 
have called it illegil and unconstiti:tion:il, and of course tyrannical 
ftnd oppressive. His friends have justified it on the giound of 



■SiJ 



^.ti'ong necessity — charging Mr Louallicr with mutiny or exciting 
to mutiny, with being a spy, &r. &c. Louallicr has recently pub- 
lished a history of the transaction, which has given rise to the fol- 
lowing article. It seems that he inserted an article in a newspaper 
on the third March, 1815, complaining of an nrder of Gen. Jack- 
son's commanding the Fi-enclimen residing in New Orleans to leave 
that place in three days, and to keep themselves at a distance oC 
one hundred and twenty njiles from the city. For this he was ar-. 
ijcstetl, and imprisoned j and then brought before a court martial.,, 
to answer no less than seven charges as above mentioned, all aris- 
ing out of the article thus published. After denying the jurisdic- 
tion and authority of the court martial, and being overruled, he 
suffered the case to go on witliout calling a witness, or making 
any defence. He was however acquitted. Gen. Jackson disap- 
proved of the sentence of course, and gave his reasons. As soon 
as Mr Louallicr was arrested, he applied to Judge Hall, of the 
District Court of the U. States, for a Habeas Corpus^ which was 
granted. Instead of paying obedience to the writ. Gen. Jackson 
ordered the District Judge himself be arrested for issuing it, and 
had him imprisoned. The District Judge employed the U. States 
District Attorney to procure a habeas corpus, in his own case, from 
Judge Lewis — a Judge under tl)e State authority — for procuring^ 
which the Attorney was arrested, and an order was issued by Gen* 
Jackson, for arresting Judge Lewis for granting the Habeas Cor- 
pus in favor of Judge Hall. Here were then three arrests, and 
an order for a fourth, under the authority of Gen. Jackson, in the 
proceedings relative to which, the rights and security of the sev- 
eral individuals were totally disregarded, and the authority and 
sanctity of the civil laws utterly des|)ised, and trampled under foot. 
It must be acknowledged that ?i strong necessity must have existed to 
justify such outrageous proceedings. We will endeavor to ascer- 
tain the facts respecting it. 

The battle of New Orleans, it will he recollected, happened on 
tlie 8th of January, 1815. On "the 21st of January, Gen. Jackson 
arid the army left the field of battle to return to New Orleans."— 
Two regiments received orders to encamf) at a place called Villere*S 
plantation. "It will easily be imagined," says Mr Louallier, 
*' how painful such an order must have been for those two regi- 
ments, which, as a part of the levy en masse were composed of 
the greater part of the citizens of New Orleans, between the ages 
of 18 and 45 years. These militia men were deeply wounded at being 
thus deprived of the happiness of returning to the bosom of their 
families, at the same time that this favor w as granted to the bat- 
talion of volunteers under the command of Major Plaohe, and the 
colored men under Majoi- Daquen." *» Why did he retain these 
militia men without the city, while the otiiers and even the corps 
of regulars, wei*e allowed to enter it ?" In this state of things, 
it would seem, and in consequence of the uneasiness felt and ex= 
piMJSsed, General Jackson issued his peremptory order for the rcy 



Iiioval of the Frendimcn in tlio city to the distance of 120 miles in 
the country. That thr> shonhl have been uneasy, is not strange; 
not merely because tln'\ were uniif( ossaiily and aibitiaiily kept 
from their families and 'licir honns, but they were probably ap- 
prehensive of the effects of their exptisure to the most destructive 
diseases. It is stated in one of the documents accompanying Mr 
Louallier's account, ti at tlie tioops from Kentucky and Ten- 
iie,ssee were stationed upon plantations, atul that in one month uo 
less than five hun<lred of them fell victims tO diseases which orig- 
inated among tliem. 

>Vhai makes Gen. Jacks(ui's conduct towards Mr Louallier the 
more remarkable is, that the pul)lication which was the cause of 
it appeared, as is asserted by that gentleman, 43 days after Gen. 
ffackson had left the field of battle, and returned to New-Orleans 
— 43 days after the British army had left Louisiana — and 22 days 
after the last act of hostility committed by the British forces, as 
their officers received intelligence immediately afterwards that a 
treaty of peace had been signed in December between the United 
States and Great Britain. It v^as also 21 days after Col. Liv- 
ingston had returned from the British fleet, and informed General 
Jackson that news of peace had been received; and above all, it 
was 53 days afti-r Gen. Jackson had written to the Secretary of 
"War, that, in his opinion Louisiana might be considered freed Jroui 
her enemies. 

Under circumstances like tliese, and when there was uo possi- 
ble excuse for any measure of violence. General Jackson, with- 
out law or right, and in the face of all law, and all constitutional 
authority, forcibly arrested a private citizen, in no respect subject 
to his control, having no military character, but being of such 
an age that he was not by law liable to military duty, tlirew him 
into prison, ordered him before a court martial, and had him 
tried upon charges that would have cost him his life had he been 
convicted. 

To the honor of Gen. Gaines, and the other officers who com- • 
posed the court, they were to<) honest, too intelligent, and too in- 
dependent, to be so lost to all sense of their d««ty as to find Mi* 
Louallier guilty. In giving his reasons for disapprovijig the sen- 
tence of the court martial, Gen. Jackson says — "The charges 
against the prisoner were mutiny, exciting mutiny, general mis- 
conduct, for being a spy, illegal and imprf)per conduct, and diso- 
bedience of orders; writing a wilful and corrupt libel against the 
Commanding General, unsoldiery conduct,* and conduct in viola- 
tion of a General Order; all of which charges are, on the face of 
them;" he remarks, «'pro])er to be ifupiired into by a court mar- ^ 
tial." He tlien proceeds to state the circumstances which had led 
to the proclamation of martial law, one of which was the threat- 
ened attack upon New Orleans by the British. ♦♦Martial Law," 
be says, ♦♦as the most comprehensive and effi^ctual," was estab- 
lished by him. ♦♦The occasion that calls it forth," that is martial 

5 



54 

ra\\*, ^'involves at ouco tLo very cx'nststice ©f tLe giverumeiit, and 
the liberty, property, and lives of the citizens." 

"Martial Law being established, applies, as the Commanding 
General believes, to all who remain within the sphere ofits oper- 
ation; and claims exclusive jurisdiction of all offences which aim 
at the disorganization and ruin of the army over which it extends. 
To a certain extent it is believed to make every man a soldier^ to 
defend the spot where chance or choice has placed liim, and to 
make him liable for any misconduct calculated to weaken its de- 
fence.** After a good deal more of this kind of military logic, 
<5en. Jackson comes to the case in hand, and attempts to apply it. 
'—He says— "After the adjournment of that legislature of which 
the defendant claims to he a member, he remains within the camp 
of the American army, and within those limits which are declared 
to be embraced by martial law. How docs he there deport him- 
self? — Instead of contributing to the defence of his country, in- 
stead of seeking to promote that unanimity which a love of coun- 
try, and the important trust which had been reposed in him might 
have led us to expect, we behold him endeavoring to stir up dis- 
cord, sedition, mutiny, laboring to disorganize and destroy an ar- 
any which had so lately dafended his country, and might so soon 
again be necessary for its defenca, not only inviting tlie enemy to 
renew his attempts, but contributing his utmost to enable him to 
snccced." 

This certainly sounds well. The great objection to this bomb- 
proof reasoning is, that it is utterly unfounded in point of fact, 
^riie publication had nothing in it seditious or mutinous. It was 
a plain manly remonstrance against an act of oppression towards 
a meritorious set of men, wlvo had been arbitrarily treated witli 
rigorous and unjust severity. That there was no danger to New 
Orleans from the British forces is abundantly manifei5t from the 
facts already stated. They had retreated from Louisiana, no 
sliow of hostilities had been made for three weeks previously, and 
. news of peace had been known for the same period of time. That 
the service of the troops, who were the object of the order to quit 
New Orleans, was not required, is proved by the order itself; — 
for they were directed not to come within 120 miles of thai city. 
If martial law had ever been necessary, that necessity had long 
ceased. The whole then is resolved into a simple, unnecessary, 
and most alarming act of illegal jind unconstitutional tyranny — 
such as ought to have subjected the author of it to trial and dis- 
grace, at least, if not to a much more exemplary punishment. 

«»The Constitution of the United States," says General Jack- 
^ son, in his reasons for disapproving the sentence of this court mar- 
tial, "secures to the citizen the most valuable privileges; yet the 
same Constitution contemplates the necessity of suspending tho 
exercise of some, in order to secure the continuance of all. If it 
authorizes the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in certain 
r^sffi. it thereby implicitly admits the operation of itin?'tial Jaw. 



•,35 



wJicQ lu the event of rebellion or invasioD, public safety may Vc- 
<j[uii'C it." Without altamptiii.q to cxaniiue into tlu* soutidncss of 
this implied deduction from tbr prcmiiies, or to inquire whether it 
was originally necessary to proclaim martial law at New Orleans, 
we would remark thaton the 14tliday of December, the Le,e;islaturc 
had expressly refused to suspend the habeas corpus, doubtless on 
the ground that it was not necessary. If there had been any ne- 
cessity for catablisliing martial law, that necessity was over; all 
danger from the British had long ceased, tije civil laws ouglit to 
have been re-established, and the persons of tho inliabitants freed 
fi'onj the effects of such an odious tyranny. Mr Louallier was a 
member of the Legislature. As such during its session, and as a 
citizen after its session had closed, he had made the most active 
exertions for the defence of the city and the comfort of tlie army. 
In remonstrating against the act of despotism by wliich tlie troops 
were banished from their homes, he did nothing tliat the laws 
would not justify. For such an act he was thrown into prison, 
brought like a deficrtor or a traitor before a military tribunal; and 
iiad lie been convicted, would, beyond all question, like the '*six 
militia men," have been shot as a deserter or a traitor. We say 
beyond all question he would have been shot: for when did his re- 
lentless prosecutor ever lose an opportunity to glut his vengeance 
when once the object of it was within his power? In this case, as 
iu all others whert> he has been called upon to exercise any public 
duties, he took the law into his own hands, and turning his bacE 
on the constitution, trampling the authority of 1hc courts undci' 
foot, and violating the sanctity of justice and the character of her 
tribunals, he attempted to exercise acts of despotism, which might 
liave brought a Russian Czar to an untimely end, and even 9. 
Turkish Sultan to the bow-string. 

I'he question then for tlie people of the Utiited States to settlfl 
will be, ivhclher they xvill elevate a man of this laxvless and un- 
^(yoernahU disposition^ to the chief magistracy of the Republic? Re- 
ferring to this, and other instances of his unwarrantable, uncon- 
stitutional, and sanguinary conduct, even one of his devoted 
friends has charged him with having "violated laws, human and 
divine." If he is thus considered by his friends in what light 
must he be viewed by others? If elected President, the constitu- 
tion entrusts him with the command of the navy and army of the 
United States. We have seen, that when at the he^d of only a 
small body of men he was able to suspend the operation of all 
civil law iu a very important district of country, establish the su- 
premacy of military powci', and under its influence, exercised acts 
of the most unqualified oppression and injustice. What might he 
expected from his irascible temper, his lawless ambition, his fierce 
and vindictive spirit, when clothed with the immense power which 
th'e constitution reposes in the chief magist-rate of the nati(m? 



56 • 

Jbx tract from Gen, Jack son\f< despatch to MnJ. Gciu Pinckveij^ dated 
*(0n the hattle gr onn in the bmil :f the Tallaponsie, 28th of 
March, 1814." (6th Niles' W. Regisur, 130.) 

*'Tlic enemy wore rompleloly i-outod. Five hundjed were killed 
by the horseiiHMi in attemptina^ to cross the river ; it is believed, 
that no more than ten had cBcaped. 

"The fightine: rontinucd with some severity about five hours; 
but we continued to destroy m;«ny of them, wlio had concealed 
themselves under the banks of the river, until we were preveritcd 
by the night. This morning we killed IG which had been coit- 
cealcik" 



(K.) 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Jackson to a gm'leman in J^ashaille, 
dated '^Camp before St .Marks, 9lh Jlpril, 1818." (See 14 
Niles' W. Reg. p. z70.) 

^'Captain M'Eger having hoisted English colors on board liis 
boats, Francis, the Prophet, Homotchetnurks and two others were 
decoyed on boai'd, believing him to be the promised and daily ex- 
pected aid from New Providence, under the command of Woodbind. 
Thcs^e have been hung to-day. 



(L.) 

Extract of report of the committee on JUlitary Affairs, presented hij 
Thos. M. J\''etson. (Niles' Register, 15th vol. p. 394.) 

t^'Yoor committee find in the general order of 29lh April, in which 
Gen. Jackson ordei-s tiie exeriition of Arl)iithnot and Ambrister, 
this remarkable reason, intended as a justit!C;»tioii of the executions, 
■principally of An^brister, but applying to both Arbuthnot and Am- 
brister; *'It is an established prin(iplc of the law of nations, that 
^ny individual of a nation, maicing war against tlie citizens of 
another nation, they bring at p^ace, forfeits his allegiance and be- 
comes an out-law and a pirate." It may be asked^by what sys- 
tem of interpretation, the offences charged could be considered 
as piracies, whicli imply, in common acceptation, offences upon 
the high seas, of which tiie court could not assume cognizance; 
and it is equally difficult to understand the propriety of the appli- 



cation of tlic term *' out-law." to tlio onVmJors ; a torm,\vliirIi np- 
plios oiilv to tlic n-latioiis of iii(li\ idiials willi //a/r nnvn t^oxorn- 
liU'iitH. It will not l)P pi-plrii(l«Ml that La Fayetto, who \ (ilimtciT- 
0(1 his scrvicrs in the caiisi- (tf Ann-rii a, iti the war which estab- 
lishrd ouj- iii(lt'jM'!i(h'iiC(', lorlt itrd hi*^ all<'ti:ra!i(T. hi-cainc an oiif-law, 
T\nd ^uhicrtcd hiniscll tu uu it^iKiniinirxjs dcaih, had in* laHcn into 
the hands of (he Enj^Iish. Or can it bo briicvcd, that ono voice 
"Wonld ho hont-il, in jiistifn ation (.f Spain, if slic wrrc to cxccjjt*' such 
of oniTotifitfvniPn as she niav make prisoinis, whih- fii^litintr in the 
arniirs of the South Amcfican Patriots? And if tln^sc cases sliould 
not be c«»nsi(It'ri(l of ^uch a natni-c, as to warrunl a i-esort to so se- 
vere a measure, whih- they occni r( (I with a people in a state of 
revolution, and considered l)_\ the parent eonniries, to he in a state 
of rel)ellion. much less conhl these irn'n, (Aihuthnot and Aujbris- 
tep,) tie consi<Iered liable to it, wh<j were actirii;; with a power ac- 
knowledged and treated, as sovereia^n ami independent, by us. 

Your cinnnnttee het:^ lea\e to call yt)iir attention jjarticnlarly to 
the case of R. C Anibristj-r ; who, after havinj? beerj subjected to 
n trial bi'foi-e a court which had no coi^nizmce or jurisdiction, over 
the offences char.i^ed aj2;aiTiSt bin), was shot by order of the Com- 
manding^ General, <ontrar\ to the forms atid usaijes of the army, 
and witlniut regai-d to the finding of that court, which had been in- 
stituted tis a guide for hims»lf. 



amm^ 



Ijy T/iv following? Vahdidonj of the Fre-idcuf of the t^imventiou, 
delivered on the eve of us adjournment, xvas omitted in its proiiev 
-place. 



On tnotioJi of Gen. Carrington, 

Jtt'solved, nnanimoitsh/. That the tlianks of this Convention be 
returned to the President and Secretaries, for the diligence and 
ability witli which tin-y ha\e discharged the duties of their res- 
pective offices. 

The President then adilressod tiie Convention in tlie following 
brief valedictory: 

Gentlemen, — Your a|)probation expressed in the resolution 
just ado|)te(l, of my ser\ ices in the discharge of the duties assigned 
me. cannot l»e too highly valued hy nn', especially as I am siire I 
am indebted for it more to }our kimlness tlian ^tny merits of my 
own, I cannot be so insensible of the'impcrfcctton of my efTorts 



to desei've it, as to lay any claim to it. Yoii, gentlemen, Iiavo dis- 
cliarged the duties confided to f/ow, witJi an ability and a zeal that 
entitle you not only to the approbation, but the applause of your 
fellow-citizens. That your labors in the cause of civil liberty may 
continue to prosper, I liumbly invoke that Providence, who on 
many trying occasions, in tlie most disastrous times, has mani- 
festly directed the destinies of our country, to enlighten our fel- 
low-citizens, and to inspire them with wisdom, to avert the dan- 
ger that threatens its future peace and prosperity. 



{J^ The jn-oceedings of the Coivcention should have leen signed 
fnj the Pkesident and Secretariets. 



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